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Okposi: Origin and TraditionApril 18, 2009 Part 2 of 2 Editor’s comment: This part of the article focuses on Okposi’s economic, religious, political and social life – past and present. Part 1 focuses on the Origin of Okposi. Economic Activities For a living, the Okposi have two major occupations: farming (which is strictly reserved for the men), and salt-production (which is under proscription in favor of the women). In the past, these two occupations made Okposi self-supporting and contented. The situation was such that even the presence of roads and waterways “did not seem to have engendered the habits of travel” in them (Waddington 1933: 4). It is obvious from the position of the town that her alluvial soils would be rich. Yam farming, became so highly developed that a piece of land was under cultivation every year. Five months after yams are harvested, the land was cleared for planting the alternative crop – cocoyam. Nowadays, it is cassava that is alternated with yams. This attachment to yams continues now in spite of a boost in rice farming. Salt production has supplemented Okposi economics since the discovery of the so called Salt Lakes by two hunters, Ekuma Chita and Uta Ano. Since then the women have produced salt by a process beyond the scope of this work. Biafran scientists who made use of the brine found that the salinity is the highest in the South Eastern Nigeria geographical zone. Only recently did Okposi people start long distance trade. They practiced inter-cropping and dairy farming. Quoting Waddington, Ori Enyi (1976 xi) states that “records as recent as 1917 at the National Archives, Enugu, show that cotton was grown, spun and woven here. Cattle and other livestock: horses, pigs, goats, sheep, etc. were kept”. Even when long distance trade began, the only market visited by the Okposi themselves was Eke-aha in Ishielu. People from other trading centers in Uzuakoli and Bende rather visited Odenigbo and Odogo markets for exchange of goods. It will be recalled that the salt scarcity of 1939 (after the Second World War) made every family in Okposi rich. “In Ohoazara, three types of currencies, apart from barter, were used before the coming of the Europeans. They were: string currency (Ego Agwara), cowries (Ego Eyoro) and brass (Okpoko Ogonogo) (Aja Nwachukwu 1978: 4). "Religious Belief The hierarchy of Okposi deities has at its apex, “Chi” otherwise known as “Ochangene” (dazzling light) or “Ope” (giver) who is too remote to be petitioned directly. He is sometimes individuated but his supremacy is still maintained by the fact that he is believed to see everything, though very far away. As such, there is no shrine dedicated to him. A helpless petitioner or (one offended by his superior) simply thrusts his or her arms forward and with open palms facing up and a slight look to the sky and pleads: “Ochangene , be my witness.” There is however a shrine known as “Evivie” or “Chineze” which approximates the ark of covenant. It is owned communally by an extended family whose eldest male becomes the chief priest. Though very heavy, this shrine never touches the ground. Like the Roman Catholic alter, there must always be a glow of light where it is kept. During a yearly communion (compulsory for all male members), it is brought down, placed on some logs, and sacrifices are made unto it. Immediately after, it is solemnly taken back to its customary place near the roof of a house. Next in the Okposi pantheon is the spiritual replica (Uwa) provided for every human by the Supreme Being. These spiritual replicas of human beings can be males or females. A shrine dedicated to Uwa is called “Okike” or more full called “Okike Uwa.” It is only when prayers at the “Okike” shrine become ineffective that an attempt is made to approach “Uwa” directly. This is done by a mystical pilgrimage (outside the scope of the present work) called “Ije Na-onu Uwa” through which the petitioner gets to meet Uwa face to face. Briefly, the process requires placing the utensils of the petitioner on the usual heart of the spirits and then hiding. As the spirit comes upon these vessels, which he recognizes as his, he is shocked and exclaims. Then the hiding ward would come out and lodge his complaint. The spirit may explain he/she is also finding that same problem difficult but would provide immediate solution. With regard to Okposi, the practice described in the following statements by Talbot is still pertinent. “At a town called Aha, there is said to be a place where it is possible to go and talk with the dead.” On earth the most important deity is the “Ani” whose totem is “Aka,” a particularly harmless green snake. For the whole of Okposi, there is deity called “Ani-oha” at Eke Okposi market where eight (8) flat stones are laid to represent “Okposi-ezinasato” (Okposi’s eight villages) in order of village seniority. At the village level, there are other shrines of “Ani- oha.” For instance, Okposi Okwu has an “Ani-Oha” at a place called Ezukwukwu. Individual families also have at the centre of their compounds the cult of “Ani-mbara-ezi” where prayers are often said especially before embarking on the search for a missing item. Ancestral veneration is also strong. Talbot (1969: v2) observes: “Among the Ikwo, Awhawfia, Ngbo and Okposi Awhawzara, the dead are called Ndoma and are said to live in Obodo ma … The principal sacrifice in their honor is given at the time of new yams, when cows, goats, fowls are offered up.” Talbot believes, and rightly so, that “Maw” (secret society or masquerades) does not exist here and there is no belief in witchcraft. For the Okposi, the above observations are in order. Only four months of the year are used for serious clearing, hoeing, planting and harvesting. Work is discontinued for some days in any of the other eight months and yearly feastings proclaimed in honour of certain gods. The last month of the year Onwa Aju is exclusive to the ancestors. During this final festival, no man whose parents has died would fail to slaughter at least a goat, unless he has made his will and is ready to die. At midnight of the feast day, a righteous priest attends, as it were, a meeting of the ancestors and after some heated debates, receives the program of events for the coming year. Political Institutions Before the coming of the white man, there was a form of government in Okposi, which was quite representative in nature. The idea of kingship is only mentioned in folk-lore. At the town level, representation is on “Ezi” basis. Ezi refers to any of the eight broad divisions from where the name “Okposi-ezi-nasato” originates. In these eight broad divisions, some smaller villages merge to form one. The supreme council of this form of government is the mass meeting of the entire town. This meeting is called Okwu-Okposi. Every male adult (rich or poor) has the freedom to express his opinion at Okwu-Okposi. The meeting is generally held at Eke Okposi market where every contributor would speak before the shrine of “Ani-oha”, otherwise called Eke Okpa on Ekwu Eke. To open the business of the day, the oldest man from the village in which the meeting is hosted offers kola nuts to the ancestors. In his prayers, he asks for peaceful deliberations and wise decisions. If a point of discussion requires secrecy or observance of certain restrictions by the attendees, they are sworn to an oath, which is pronounced while everybody in attendance stands barefoot facing “Ani-Oha”. How are the decisions of the council enforced since there is no grade system and no masking culture in Okposi? The responsibility for enforcing discipline is left to a group of selected middle aged men. Selection is done through the village representation system. Any adult male stands the chance of being selected, provided he has not committed adultery in the Okposi sense. The body constituted by selected males is called “Uke-Ogonogo” at town and village levels. At the village level, representation is on extended family basis. Here the body acts as a lower court reporting to a council of elders called “Oviri-Uke” (Senate). The later invariably recognizes the fact that the final arbiter is the mass-meeting called “Okwu-Okposi.” This system which takes government to the grass roots so impressed Waddington (1933) that he described the community as “a republic in the true sense of the word, i.e. a corporation in which government is the business of all.” Colonial administration came to Okposi in 1911 when the native court was completed. In 1928, Ogbu Ude Mba rose to the rank of paramount chief. But both incidents did not change the system which is still in use today. Social Life With yams always in the barn and salt and oil in pots, Okposi hospitality became proverbial. Though the people love themselves, they will defend any visitor to the same extent they would defend a close relation. They will not, however, take kindly to anyone who takes their kindness for foolishness. Social life is always enlivened by the monthly festivals and sometimes by a number of title taking ceremonies. Almost all these titles are connected with achievement in yam farming. The highest of them, “Ikwa odju,” which confers on the title holder the name “Onyiba” could cost up to five hundred pounds, dating back to 1933. (Waddington 13). The Okposi are externally humble but internally proud. They would do anything to defend their prestige. Fighting ensues almost immediately in any circumstance in which an Okposi man is called a thief. Murder is the town’s highest offence and it carries capital punishment. In any of the eight broad divisions, any man who goes to bed with another’s wife commits adultery and is excluded from ritual ceremonies for life. Before the coming of the white man, he was stoned to death while kleptomaniacs were hanged. From the foregoing, it has been shown that Enechi Akuma, who founded Okposi, came from Agala in Benue State, and lived at Ikwo before coming to the present site (Okposi) with a family raised at Ikwo. These people settled in eight broad divisions which contain smaller villages. The pattern of settlement aided the type of political institutions at the apex of which is Okwu-Okposi (mass-meeting). Belief in the Supreme God does not exclude worship of other gods and the veneration of ancestors. The people are very hospitable but can also employ drastic measures to teach social offenders a lesson; the punishment for offenders range from capital punishment and excommunication to withdrawal of privileges. Through these measures, the people of Okposi enforce law and order and maintain peaceful coexistence in the villages where they’ve built family compounds and individual houses. |
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